Introduction to Soteriology: Single Predestination – a Scriptural and Patristic Apology

Note: For all Biblical quotations, the NKJV is used, unless I am citing the Greek Old Testament (LXX), for which the NETS is used. The italics in Biblical quotations are from the translators to note words added for clarity that are not present in the original Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek.

A distinct aspect of Calvinist soteriology is double predestination. This doctrine squares well with the doctrine of limited atonement, discussed in a previous blog post. Double predestination states that God not only predestined some (the elect) unto salvation but also predestined others (the reprobate) unto condemnation. Generally, this is expressed in terms of “unequal ultimacy,” which is to say that God actively predestines the elect but passively predestines the reprobate, though some hyper-Calvinists may disagree.

Lutherans and Arminians reject that God predestines people unto condemnation, in line with their doctrine of universal atonement. While it is hypothetically possible to hold a doctrine of universal atonement and double predestination, this would lead to a great deal of theological tension to remain consistent and avoid logical contradictions.

The doctrine of double predestination is stated in the Continental Reformed confessions in the Canons of Dordt and in the Presbyterian confessions in the Westminster Confession of Faith.

Moreover, Holy Scripture most especially highlights this eternal and undeserved grace of our election and brings it out more clearly for us, in that it further bears witness that not all people have been chosen but that some have not been chosen or have been passed by in God’s eternal election– those, that is, concerning whom God, on the basis of his entirely free, most just, irreproachable, and unchangeable good pleasure, made the following decision: to leave them in the common misery into which, by their own fault, they have plunged themselves; not to grant them saving faith and the grace of conversion; but finally to condemn and eternally punish them (having been left in their own ways and under his just judgment), not only for their unbelief but also for all their other sins, in order to display his justice. And this is the decision of reprobation, which does not at all make God the author of sin (a blasphemous thought!) but rather its fearful, irreproachable, just judge and avenger.

Canons of Dordt, Article 15: Reprobation

VI. As God hath appointed the elect unto glory, so hath he, by the eternal and most free purpose of his will, fore-ordained all the means thereunto. Wherefore they who are elected, being fallen in Adam, are redeemed by Christ, are effectually called unto faith in Christ by his Spirit working in due season; are justified, adopted, sanctified, and kept by his power through faith unto salvation. Neither are any other redeemed by Christ, effectually called, justified, adopted, sanctified, and saved, but the elect only.

VII. The rest of mankind God was pleased, according to the unsearchable counsel of his own will, whereby he extendeth or withholdeth mercy as he pleaseth, for the glory of his sovereign power over his creatures, to pass by, and to ordain them to dishonor and wrath for their sin, to the praise of his glorious justice.

Westminster Confession of Faith, Article III: Of God’s Eternal Decree

The doctrine of double predestination is rejected in the Lutheran confessions in the Epitome of the Formula of Concord and in the appendix in the 1592 Saxon Visitation Articles.

Therefore we reject the following errors:

1. As when it is taught that God is unwilling that all men repent and believe the Gospel.

2. Also, that when God calls us to Himself, He is not in earnest that all men should come to Him.

3. Also, that God is unwilling that every one should be saved, but that some, without regard to their sins, from the mere counsel, purpose, and will of God, are ordained to condemnation so that they cannot be saved.

Epitome of the Formula of Concord, Article XI: Election

The pure and true Doctrine of our Churches on this Article [On Predestination and the Eternal Providence of God]:

1] That Christ died for all men, and, as the Lamb of God, took away the sins of the whole world.
2] That God created no man for condemnation; but wills that all men should be saved and arrive at the knowledge of truth. He therefore commands all to hear Christ, his Son, in the gospel; and promises, by his hearing, the virtue and operation of the Holy Ghost for conversion and salvation.
3] That many men, by their own fault, perish: some, who will not hear the gospel concerning Christ; some, who again fall from grace, either by fundamental error, or by sins against conscience.
4] That all sinners who repent will be received into favor; and none will be excluded, though his sins be red as blood; since the mercy of God is greater than the sins of the whole world, and God hath mercy on all his works.

The False and Erroneous doctrine of the Calvinists On Predestination and the Providence of God:

1] That Christ did not die for all men, but only for the elect.
2] That God created the greater part of mankind for eternal damnation, and wills not that the greater part should be converted and live.
3] That the elected and regenerated can not lose faith and the Holy Spirit, or be damned, though they commit great sins and crimes of every kind.
4] That those who are not elect are necessarily damned, and can not arrive at salvation, though they be baptized a thousand times, and receive the Eucharist every day, and lead as blameless a life as ever can be led.

1592 Saxon Visitation Articles, Article IV: On Predestination and the Eternal Providence of God

Below the Lutheran position is defended, but before that I wish to apologize for how overdue this particular post was. I have written many other things instead of finishing off this series, but at the request of a reader, I have decided to finally finish it. Enjoy.

The Patristic Witness

There are a number of councils that anathematize double predestination. The Council of Arles (475 AD) and the Council of Orange (529 AD) are two early councils that condemn double predestination; later councils do the same in response to Gottschalk of Orbais (808-868 AD) and logical deductions rooted in the philosophy of John Scotus Eriugena (800-877 AD).

The positions of the two early councils are seen below.

I condemn with you that view… which states that Christ our Lord and Savior did not incur death for the salvation of all; which states that the foreknowledge of God violently impels man to death, or that they who perish, perish by the will of God… which states that some have been condemned to death, others have been predestined to life.

Council of Arles (475 AD), Letter of submission of Lucidus the priest

We not only do not believe that any are foreordained to evil by the power of God, but even state with utter abhorrence that if there are those who want to believe so evil a thing, they are anathema.

Council of Orange (529 AD), Conclusion

Among the writings of the individual early fathers, it should be noted that many do not entertain the idea of double predestination as they do not even believe in a monergistic single predestination. That is to say, they believe that predestination involves human action rather than being solely an act of God. This position, a synergistic predestination, makes a double predestination (at least as formulated by the Calvinist position) impossible. In fact, the idea of a double predestination is not something that even was proposed or addressed by the fathers prior to Augustine.

To see the primary authors on this subject that consider the discussion of double predestination, see my previous post on universal atonement. Augustine, Prosper, and Fulgentius are the authors that discuss the topic, and their position on double predestination is congruent with the Lutheran position. Johann Gerhard, the archtheologian of the Lutheran tradition, states in his volume On Creation and Predestination (§ 177), “We claim that many have been reprobated from eternity but, nevertheless, not out of an absolute hatred or decree of God, but because God foresaw that they would persist unto the end in their unbelief and impenitence. We seek the reason for reprobation in man himself and place it there, not in an absolute decree of God.” Thus, there is, in a sense, double predestination, but only on the condition that man chooses his own condemnation, and this is the position seen in Fulgentius of Ruspe, Ad Monimum Bk 1, and Prosper of Aquitaine, The Call of All Nations.

The Scriptural Witness

God Desires All to Be Saved

1 Timothy 2:3-4 reads, “For this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Savior, who desires all men to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth.”

2 Peter 3:9 reads, “The Lord is not slack concerning His promise, as some count slackness, but is longsuffering toward us, not willing that any should perish but that all should come to repentance.”

Romans 11:32 reads, “For God has committed them all to disobedience, that He might have mercy on all.”

Luke 19:41 reads, “Now as He drew near, He saw the city and wept over it.”

On this verse I quote Gerhard (On Predestination § 65): The tears of Christ mourning the destruction of Jerusalem are described in Luke [19]:41. They are an obvious indication that Christ is hardly pleased with the temporal and eternal perdition of the Jews. For tears are “the legates of grief,” as Cyprian says (Letter 7, bk. 2). They are “the blood of the wounded spirit,” as Brenz says (on John 11).

Ezekiel 33:11 reads, “‘Say to them: “As I live,” says the Lord GOD, “I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn from his way and live. Turn, turn from your evil ways! For why should you die, O house of Israel?”‘”

Man Causes His Own Reprobation

Matthew 25:31-41 reads, “‘When the Son of Man comes in His glory, and all the holy angels with Him, then He will sit on the throne of His glory. All the nations will be gathered before Him, and He will separate them one from another, as a shepherd divides his sheep from the goats. And He will set the sheep on His right hand, but the goats on the left. Then the King will say to those on His right hand, “Come, you blessed of My Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world: for I was hungry and you gave Me food; I was thirsty and you gave Me drink; I was a stranger and you took Me in; I was naked and you clothed Me; I was sick and you visited Me; I was in prison and you came to Me.” Then the righteous will answer Him, saying, “Lord, when did we see You hungry and feed You, or thirsty and give You drink? When did we see You a stranger and take You in, or naked and clothe You? Or when did we see You sick, or in prison, and come to You?” And the King will answer and say to them, “Assuredly, I say to you, inasmuch as you did it to one of the least of these My brethren, you did it to Me.” Then He will also say to those on the left hand, “Depart from Me, you cursed, into the everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels…”‘”

Note that in for those who will inherit the kingdom, it was “prepared for you from the foundation of the world,” but those who are cursed are cast into an everlasting fire “prepared for the devil and his angels.” It was not prepared originally or from eternity for men but for demons. Election from the foundation of the world for the elect but not reprobation from the foundation of the world for the reprobate.

Acts 13:46-48 reads, “Then Paul and Barnabas grew bold and said, ‘It was necessary that the word of God should be spoken to you first; but since you reject it, and judge yourselves unworthy of everlasting life, behold, we turn to the Gentiles. For so the Lord has commanded us: “I have set you as a light to the Gentiles, That you should be for salvation to the ends of the earth.”‘ Now when the Gentiles heard this, they were glad and glorified the word of the Lord. And as many as had been appointed to eternal life believed.”

The Jews judge themselves unworthy of everlasting life in their rejection of the Word of God. They cause their own reprobation. And in the last verse, it is said that those who were converted had been “appointed” but no contrast is given for those who rejected the Word apart from what has already been said: “you reject it, and judge yourselves unworthy.”

Romans 11:9 reads, “And David says: ‘Let their table become a snare and a trap, A stumbling block and a recompense to them. Let their eyes be darkened, so that they do not see, And bow down their back always.'”

The context here is that Israel was elected but the rest are blinded. The important note here is that their snare or trap that blinds them is a “recompense” to them. They have caused it themselves.

Little else is said of this topic in scripture apart from Romans 9, which will be treated below. The reader must understand that the topic of double and single predestination is tightly tied into the other parts of soteriology, such as the extent of the atonement (as has been mentioned previously), and whether or not grace is resistible. If the Lutheran position on universal atonement, resistible grace, and the universal will to save all is granted, the Lutheran position on single predestination naturally follows. As a brief example, consider Acts 7:51: “You stiff-necked and uncircumcised in heart and ears! You always resist the Holy Spirit; as your fathers did, so do you.” On the Lutheran view of resistible grace, this is the Spirit genuinely pressing on the resistant Jews. The Spirit is active in His movement to convert them. This demonstrates that God has not “passed over” these men.

Addressing common counterarguments

Romans 9:14-23 is the central text to this debate. Here is the passage:

14 What shall we say then? Is there unrighteousness with God? Certainly not! 15 For He says to Moses, “I will have mercy on whomever I will have mercy, and I will have compassion on whomever I will have compassion.” 16 So then it is not of him who wills, nor of him who runs, but of God who shows mercy. 17 For the Scripture says to the Pharaoh, “For this very purpose I have raised you up, that I may show My power in you, and that My name may be declared in all the earth.” 18 Therefore He has mercy on whom He wills, and whom He wills He hardens.

19 You will say to me then, “Why does He still find fault? For who has resisted His will?” 20 But indeed, O man, who are you to reply against God? Will the thing formed say to him who formed it, “Why have you made me like this?” 21 Does not the potter have power over the clay, from the same lump to make one vessel for honor and another for dishonor?

22 What if God, wanting to show His wrath and to make His power known, endured with much longsuffering the vessels of wrath prepared for destruction, 23 and that He might make known the riches of His glory on the vessels of mercy, which He had prepared beforehand for glory, 24 even us whom He called, not of the Jews only, but also of the Gentiles?

Notes on the chief verses:

Romans 9:18:

This verse is sometimes used to say that God has not had mercy upon all, but this is expressly denied by Paul in Romans 11:32: “For God has committed them all to disobedience, that He might have mercy on all.” And this mercy is not a will without intention of fulfillment. Consider Romans 10:21: “All day long I have stretched out My hands to a disobedient and contrary people.” (cf. Isaiah 65:2). And later in 22, Paul says God “endured with much longsuffering” over the vessels of wrath. This all goes to prove that God sought to convert and save them, ruling out a double predestination. Verse 18 is chiefly about ruling out works righteousness, hence in verse 16 earlier: “So then it is not of him who wills, nor of him who runs, but of God who shows mercy.”

Romans 9:22-23:

Examine the differences between the vessels of mercy and the vessels of wrath: 1) The vessels of mercy are prepared unto glory in the active voice (προητοίμασεν) and the vessels of wrath are prepared unto destruction in the passive voice (κατηρτισμένα). The quote Pieper, “Thus the use of the active in regard to the one group and the passive in regard to the other indeed indicates that the preparation for glory and the fitting unto damnation do not have the same author. The fitting unto destruction is not traced back to God.” (Pieper, Vol. III, Eternal Election, 7). 2) The vessels of mercy are “prepared beforehand” (προητοίμασεν) but the vessels of wrath have no corollary in the passage. There is eternal preparation for mercy but not for wrath.

Conclusion

The controversy of double vs single predestination should primarily be framed first with the other presuppositions on soteriology, and it is for this reason that I wrote this post last in the introduction to soteriology series. It is almost an appendix to the discussion as it presupposes the rest of it. I hope that this series assists others. Know that it is far from comprehensive, hence being an “introduction.” I am glad to have finally finished this series.

Further Reading

St. Prosper of Aquitaine’s The Call of All Nations

St. Augustine’s On Grace and Free Will

St. Thomas Aquinas’ Summa Theologica on predestination

1 Corinthians 11:2-16 an interpolation?

This post is a little different than what I typically discuss on this blog and is very niche. I’ve been listening through Mike Winger’s series on Women in Ministry recently in order to understand the evangelical landscape and also to hear what contemporary egalitarian scholarship says about the topic. The second longest video in the series addresses 1 Corinthians 11:2-16, which is the head coverings passage. Of note was a particular argument that the section is actually an interpolation and should be removed from the text. Winger rather quickly dismisses this argument due to the lack of textual basis for removal and for its fringe position in scholarship. But I wanted to ask “Is there evidence for this?” and actually investigate it, if only to beat a dead horse. You can read Walker’s work arguing that it is an interpolation (he provides a history of the discussion in footnote 3). I don’t really take this argument to be serious, but I figured I’d investigate further just to see. In this brief post, I’m going to make three arguments that I believe are quite strong for its inclusion in the Bible.

Textual basis

Winger notes that there is no manuscript (mss) evidence for removing the passage– no mss omit the section. This cannot be emphasized enough. This alone should call into question why anyone would posit that it’s an interpolation and settle the whole matter. This is not like the Johannine Comma or the Long Ending of Mark, which have genuine mss debates. But let’s investigate further anyhow.

One litmus text for an interpolation is seeing whether the passage was cited throughout history. If the passage is an interpolation, we’d expect some people to have access to mss with the passage and some not, which would result in fewer citations of the section.

A search on Catholic Cross Reference for patristic citations of 1Cor. 11:2-16 yields 121 results, and a search on Biblindex yields 645 results. Let’s consider a passage of comparable length that does have significant variants: Mark 16:9-20, the Long Ending of Mark; 52 results on CCR and 464 on Biblindex. Note that the Long Ending of Mark has fewer citations than 1 Cor. 11:2-16. Even scaled for verse count, it is fewer. (12/18)*121=81 and (12/18)*645=430. What this could tell us is that fewer people had access to the Long Ending of Mark due to the mss variants.

Another litmus test (and probably a better one at that) for the passage on patristic citations is comparing it to the rest of the chapter (vv. 17-34); CCR: 137 results; Biblindex: 742. This is slightly more than the previous section, but when we scale it for the number of verses (15 verses in the supposed interpolation and 18 verses in the remainder of the chapter), it’s right in line ((15/18)*137=114 and ((15/18)*742=618). We actually see slightly fewer citations of the rest of the chapter by scale. Why would an interpolation have more citations by scale?

The patristic evidence in isolation is not a smoking gun by any means, but when you consider that no mss lack 1 Cor. 11:2-16, this simply serves to bolsters the point.

Vocabulary

Walker gives arguments related to vocabulary in his work, contending that 1 Cor. 11:2-16 does not use terms in a Pauline way. I’m not going to analyze that work; I don’t believe such detailed analysis on this topic is worth the light of day given the first argument in this post (though scholars have replied to him on the vocabulary issue). I’m going to do a simple analysis and ask whether there are any red flags that this would be an interpolation. There need to be serious red flags here to counter the first argument. If there aren’t any, it seems without warrant to put more effort into this question given the first argument made above.

One simple way to look at vocabulary of a passage though is simply to ask whether or not there are unique terms to the passage that don’t appear elsewhere in works of the same author. Unique terms on their own aren’t problematic if we wouldn’t expect them in other contexts, however. What we’re looking for are terms that only appear in 1 Cor. 11:2-16 that we might expect to appear elsewhere in the Pauline corpus but don’t. The following is a list of words that only appear in this passage and nowhere else in the Pauline corpus: ἀκατακάλυπτος, ξυράω, κομάω, περιβόλαιον, φιλόνεικος, and συνήθεια. Let’s look at each. I’ll provide the word with a link to Blue Letter Bible and the English definition from Strong.

ἀκατακάλυπτος – unveiled:—uncovered.

ξυράω – to shave or “shear” the hair:—shave.

κομάω – to wear tresses of hair:—have long hair.

περιβόλαιον* – something thrown around one, i.e. a mantle, veil:—covering, vesture.

φιλόνεικος – fond of strife, i.e. disputatious:—contentious.

συνήθεια* – mutual habituation, i.e. usage:—custom.

The first four words (ἀκατακάλυπτος, ξυράω, κομάω, and περιβόλαιον) would not be expected to be found elsewhere unless Paul were addressing issues about hair and covering things, which he never does elsewhere except in 1 Tim. 2:9 where he addresses modesty for women, but given the brevity of the address (a single verse), expecting Paul to use a particular term simply because he used it elsewhere is unreasonable. Paul does use “covered” (ἐπεκαλύφθησαν) language in Rom. 4:7 (citing Ps. 32:1-2) without ever using περιβόλαιον, but he does not expand on the discussion about covering, and furthermore, this is a different context of “covering.” In Romans Paul is talking about sins being “covered;” he is not discussing mantles or cloths themselves. Paul does elsewhere speak of “cloaks,” but this a moot point because Paul uses different words for “cloak” in different contexts. He uses πρόφασις (Phil. 1:18 and 1 Thess. 2:5) to mean a “pretence” for something, not for literal cloth, and he uses φαιλόνης (1 Tim. 4:13) to speak of a literal cloak, but here we wouldn’t expect him to use περιβόλαιον because that would refer to a “covering” or “hood,” not to the whole garment, which is what he left at Troas. If anything, all this demonstrates is that Paul uses different words for “covering” depending on the needed term for the context rather than using a single blanket term consistently. It should also be noted that περιβόλαιον is found in Heb. 1:12 (quoting Ps. 102:25-27), where it is indeed used to describe a cloth in a simile, but I’ve listed it here because Hebrews is of contested authorship.

The fifth word, φιλόνεικος, is unique to the passage at hand. To make this word evidence for interpolation, we would need a context in which we would expect to see the word in Paul or expect the construction to be foreign to him. Is there a context where we would expect to see this phrase? One might think to look at places where Paul discusses vices, especially quarreling or arguing, but when Paul discusses vices, he more often lists the vices themselves, not “lovers of [vice].” In the context of 1 Cor. 11, he’s not giving a list of vices, however, so it’s fitting that he uses φιλόνεικος rather than simply saying the vice. Perhaps the construction is foreign to Paul? Not so. He does sometimes use the similar construction “lover of [thing].” Consider Titus 1:8 in which he uses “lover of hospitality” (φιλόξενον) and “lover of good men” (φιλάγαθον). Additionally, Paul also uses νῖκος multiple times in 1 Cor. 15, which is probably the root of the second half of φιλόνεικος.

Lastly, συνήθεια on its own is simply not a common word in the Bible in general. It occurs in the LXX only in 4 Maccabees and only occurs elsewhere in John once, at least in the Textus Receptus and Majority Text. It does occur in Paul in 1 Corinthians 8:7 in the critical text; I’ve included it as a “unique” word only because it does not appear in some textual traditions for 1 Corinthians 8:7. The variant in the Textus Receptus/Majority Text in 1 Cor. 8:7 is a similar word (συνειδήσει). Paul also uses the root of this word (ἦθος) in 1 Corinthians 15:33, just adding σύν (with) to the beginning (σύν is also frequently used by Paul and so are other σύν constructions), so this is not unusual vocabulary for Paul either way.

In conclusion of this argument, a surface level look at unique words yields a very weak case for removal.

Novelty

This argument is also entirely novel, first being posed in 1935 in Remarques sur la littérature épistolaire du Nouveau Testament by A.F. Loisy, after which it seems it didn’t gain much attention until the 1970s when the passage became controversial given the egalitarian-complementarian debates and the rise of feminism (thus providing incentive for its removal by egalitarians and feminists). If there were a good case for removal or any evidence pointing in that direction, one would expect somebody to have pointed out the oddities at some point in history, but that is not what we see. The argument for removal also still remains an entirely fringe position to this day.

Conclusion

There is plenty of good reason to take this passage to be original, and the counter-evidence is lacking.

Five Arguments Against Transubstantiation

In this post I make five arguments against transubstantiation as the mechanism for the real presence of Christ in the Lord’s Supper. These arguments are not exhaustive, but they are the five I typically bring up when discussing this topic. Specifically I am arguing that the substance of the bread and substance of the wine remain after consecration; I am not disputing the mode of Christ’s presence in the Supper.

1. From 1 Corinthians 10-11:

Paul in 1 Corinthians 10-11 uses the terms of “cup” and “bread” to refer to both the consecrated and unconsecrated elements alike, which implies that the bread and wine remain after consecration, for the natural meaning of “cup” and “bread” is to refer to substances, not merely their accidents, unless we have good reason to believe otherwise from the context of the text, but we don’t have good reason to believe otherwise from the context of the text.

2. From Proverbs 9:5:

Solomon in Proverbs 9:5 foreshadows communion: “Come, eat of My bread, and drink of the wine which I have mingled.” If communion were no longer bread and mingled wine, then why would God call it “His bread” and the “wine which He mingled?” The unconsecrated elements are mere food; they become “His” when they have been consecrated, so the consecrated elements must still be bread and wine as God calls them “His” here.

3. From the fathers:

Irenaeus says that in communion there two realities– one earthly and one heavenly and in another place used participatory language to describe how the elements are transformed, which would not entail that the original substance ceases to be. Furthermore, he compares this participation to how we will participate in the Divine in the resurrection, but surely, we will not cease to be human in the resurrection.

Justin, Cyprian, Augustine, Leo, Gelasius, Chrysostom and others all use language about communion to describe it like the two natures of Christ, with both a divine and earthly nature, which surely cannot be with transubstantiation, as the earthly nature no longer remains but only the accidents.

Gelasius, Theodoret, and Chrysostom also are all explicit in teaching that the substances of the bread and wine remain.

Gelasius (Concerning the two natures in Christ against Eutyches): “The sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, which we receive, is a divine thing, because by it we are made partakers of the divine nature, yet the substance or nature of the bread and wine does not cease.”

Theodoret (Dialogue 2): “Even after the consecration, the mystic symbols are not deprived of their own nature; they remain in their former substance, figure, and form.”

Chrysostom (Epistle to Caesarius): “Before the bread is consecrated, we call it bread, but when the grace of God by the Spirit has consecrated it, it is no longer called bread, but is esteemed worthy to be called the Lord’s body, although the nature of bread still remains in it.”

4. From natural perception:

Our natural experience tells us that our sense experience is reliable in determining things as they are, but scripture also tells us that the Eucharist is the body and blood of Christ. Denying that the substance of bread and wine remains results in a general denial of the reliability of our sense experience. This seems absurd and a contradiction of Job 12:7-8: ​“But now ask the beasts, and they will teach you; ​​And the birds of the air, and they will tell you; ​​Or speak to the earth, and it will teach you; ​​And the fish of the sea will explain to you” and Romans 1:20: “For since the creation of the world His invisible attributes are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made.”

5. From the metaphysical implications:

The fifth argument is like the fourth, but it approaches the topic from the broader implications of the doctrine in metaphysics. Transubstantiation deprives us of any certitude we may have of the material world. If transubstantiation is true, and thus, a substance and the accidents attached thereto may be discordant, how can we know that the accidents we perceive in the world around us are not merely all inhering in other substances? All things could be not as they appear to our senses but entirely otherwise, but this is also absurd and a contradiction of Job 12 and Romans 1.

A Short Timeline of the Filioque in Councils and Liturgical Use

There’s a lot of misinformation on the Filioque online. This is a short post trying to clear up the timeline of events and clarify some of the misinformation. I’m not going into theology or individual fathers here.

325: Nicaea I makes the Nicene Creed.
380: Either the Synod of Saragossa or Pope Damasus, in an attempt to combat Priscillianism, wrote a creed that says “proceeding from the Father and the Son.”
381: Constantinople I (considered a local council at the time) makes a new version of the Nicene Creed.
Note: The attribution of the Filioque to the council of Toledo (400) seems to be an accident and goes back to Jean Hardouin (1646-1729), who was very controversial in his work on the topic of the councils. Even the usual citations online to Hefele (1872) on this prove that some people have awful reading comprehension since Hefele explicitly states that the confession sometimes attributed to Toledo (400) is from a later Toledo council. Some current scholarship attributes this creed to Pastor, bishop of Gallicia in 433 (see Kelly, Early Christian Creeds (2006)). It’s unclear.
410: Seleucia-Ctesiphon uses the phrasing “We acknowledge the living and holy Spirit, the living Paraclete, who [is] from the Father and the Son” in its version of the Nicene Creed (see Price, The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon Vol II pg. 193 fn 25).
Note: a number of versions of the Nicene Creed floated around in this time (Price directs us to Lebnon (1936); also see Kelly, Early Christian Creeds (2006)).
431: Ephesus I Canon 7 prohibits anyone from bringing forward a “different Faith/Creed” than that of Nicaea.
447: Toledo (447) (there are many naming discrepancies on Toledo councils, so years are preferable to avoid ambiguity) is chaired by Pope Leo I and includes an entirely different creed that has the phrase “sed a Patre Filioque procedens” twice.
451: Chalcedon Session 5 approves of the creed of Constantinople 381 (this causes controversy at the council due to Canon 7 of Ephesus I, but it goes through nonetheless).
589: Toledo (589) includes “a Patre et Filio procedere” in the opening incipit and in canon 7 (neither of which is a creed properly speaking), and the Filioque might have been in the Nicene Creed at the council, but this is debatable since it may be a later interpolation (see Kelly, Early Christian Creeds (2006)).
650: A Gallican mass mss includes “procession from the Father and the Son” in the Preface of the mass.
680: Synod at Hatfield includes a profession that has “proceeding in an inexpressible manner from the Father and the Son.”
767: Synod of Gentilly is the first East vs West battle on the Filioque, and the East is mad that the West is using the Filioque in the creed, so by this time, some areas of the West had begun using the Filioque in the Nicene Creed specifically.
7??: Tarasius, Patriarch of Constantinople, sends a letter with a creed specifically saying procession is from the Father alone to the clergymen of the pentarchy (Jerusalem excepted).
787: At Nicaea II, Hadrian seems to accept the aforementioned letter.
794: Charlemagne rebukes Hadrian for accepting the doctrines of Tarassius “who professes that the Holy Spirit proceeds not from the Father and the Son, according to the faith of the Nicene Symbol [Creed], but from the Father through the Son.” Hadrian replied that he was expressing the faith of fathers before him. In the same year Council of Frankfurt-on-Main professes the Filioque, and a letter of Charlemagne was read that included the Nicene Creed with the Filioque.
796/797: Synod at Cividale includes the Nicene Creed with the Filioque.
The rest is history. It spreads and gains presence in the mass in more places. It is accepted into the rite in Rome in 1014. The Great Schism occurs in 1054.

How much scripture is in the liturgy?

I saw a comment recently on Facebook of someone saying that he had visited a Roman Catholic parish and was disappointed how little scripture he heard. He said that they had read three shorter excerpts in the service and that was it, and he found this to be shockingly little compared to his experience in a Reformed church in which an entire chapter is often read. It called to mind the experience of John MacArthur visiting a Russian Orthodox prayer service (in Russian) and he proclaimed that he was struck that no scripture was read at all, which would be quite shocking, given that the prayer services (it was likely vespers or matins) used in all Russian Orthodox parishes are packed with scripture quotes and allusions (MacArthur doesn’t know an ounce of Russian as it turns out). This is no isolated phenomenon either– I have heard similar statements many times from evangelicals.

I’d like to dispel the myth that the traditional liturgy is lacking in scripture. The fact is rather the opposite. I hear more scripture at a traditional liturgy than anywhere else I’ve been in my life, having attended churches of many stripes. In this post, I’ll break down the different parts of the liturgy at my church and the scripture quotes in them.

Let’s take a very typical mass as an example: The Second Sunday after Pentecost.

Every service has the following components:

Prelude
Bells
Processional Hymn
Invocation
Versicles
Confiteor
Absolution
Introit
Kyrie
Gloria in Excelsis
Collect
Old Testament reading
Gradual
Epistle reading
Alleluia
Gospel reading
Sermon
Chief hymn
Creed
Intercessions
Offering Hymn
Offertorium
Oblation
Preface
Sanctus
Eucharistic Prayer
Verba Christi
Anamnesis
Acclamation
Pater Noster
Embolism
Pax Domini
Agnus Dei
Communion
Two communion hymns
Communio
Post-communion collect
Dismissal
Blessing
Silent prayer
Recessional hymn
Postlude

One by one, let’s see how much scripture is in each for the Second Sunday after Pentecost.

During the prelude, congregants are supposed to meditate on a Psalm (34, 43, 51, 84, 116, and 150 are common) and pray. (On average this is 14 verses). This is preparation for the service, but given that it’s printed in the ordo to do this and that it is standard practice (rather than socializing in the narthex prior to the service), this counts as part of the service for our purposes.

The bells have no scripture– they are bells.

Hymns vary– many have scripture quotes built in or at least paraphrases. Notably, every hymn in The Lutheran Hymnal has a verse listed for it, so we’ll say each hymn includes 1 verse of scripture for simplicity. Opening hymn (1 verse). (15 total)

The Invocation is a half-verse (Matt 28:19b). (15.5)

The Versicles are Ps 43:4a, 124:8 (1.5 verses). (17)

The Confiteor has no direct scripture quotes.

The absolution ends with an invocation (half verse). (17.5)

The introit is Ps 13:6,7,1 (3 verses). (20.5)

The Kyrie is a half verse (various verses say “Lord have mercy upon us”) repeated 3 times (1.5 verses). (22)

The Gloria in Excelsis has various scripture quotes and allusions (Lk 2:14, Jn 1:29, Rm 8:34, etc). Overall we’ll call this 3 verses, given that it is an amalgamation of various bits and pieces of scripture (3 verses). (25)

The Collect has no direct scripture quotes.

The Old Testament reading is Deut 6:4-13 (10 verses). (35)

The Gradual is Ps 41:4,1 (2 verses). (37)

The Epistle reading is 1 Jn 4:7-21 (15 verses). (52)

The Alleluia is Ps 5:1 (1 verse). (53)

The Gospel reading is Lk 16:19-31 (13 verses). (66)

Sermons of course have verses quoted in them, but we won’t count these. It does have an invocation at the beginning and end, however (1 verse). (67)

Chief hymn (1 verse). (68)

The Creed has many partial quotes of scripture (Jn 3:16, Jn 14:26, Acts 2:38, 1 Cor 8:6, 2 Cor 3:6, Eph 4:5, 2 Pet 1:21). We’ll count this as two verses in total (2 verses). (70)

The Intercessions have no direct scripture quotes.

The Offertory is the giving of offerings, so it has no direct scripture quotes.

Offering hymn (1 verse). (71)

The Offertorium is Ps 5:2 (1 verse). (72)

The Oblation has Rom 12:1b (half verse). (72.5)

The Preface has various allusions to scripture but only half a verse is quoted (various Psalms use the phrase “let us give thanks to the Lord, our God.”) (half verse). (73)

The Sanctus has Is 6:3, Matt 21:9b (1.5 verses). (74.5)

The Eucharistic prayer has Jn 3:16 (1 verse). (75.5)

The Verba Christi is 1 Cor 11:23-26 (4 verses). (79.5)

The Anamnesis has no direct scripture quotes.

The Acclamation has no direct scripture quotes.

The Pater Noster is the Lord’s Prayer (Matt 6:9-13) (5 verses). (84.5)

The Embolism has no direct scripture quotes.

The Pax Domini is 2 Thess 3:16 (1 verse). (85.5)

The Agnus Dei is Jn 1:29 3 times, along with “have mercy upon us” (various verses use this phrase) along with Is 26:12a (4.5 verses). (90)

Then all partake communion.

Two communion hymns (2 verses). (92)

The Communio is Ps 9:1-2 (2 verses). (94)

The Post-communion Collect has no direct scripture quotes.

The Dismissal references Rth 4:8 and Lk 8:48 (we’ll say this is a half verse in total). (94.5)

The Blessing has no direct scripture quotes.

The silent prayer is simply a silent prayer of thanks at the end of the service.

Recessional hymn (1 verse). (95.5)

The postlude is played as people exit the nave.

In total: 95.5 verses.

The average chapter in the Bible has 26 verses, so 95.5 verses is ~3.7 chapters. The actual readings themselves are 38 verses on their own, well over a chapter. Given that the Roman Catholic and Anglican liturgies are very similar to the liturgy I’ve described above, it’s safe to assume the average mass at a typical Lutheran, Anglican, or Roman Catholic church includes at least 3 chapters of the Bible in total throughout the Sunday service (and much more on special days). So did the Facebook commenter really not hear much scripture at the Roman Catholic parish he visited? Did he hear less than he probably would have at a Reformed church? Probably not. In fact, he probably heard much more scripture at this Roman Catholic mass, given that he estimated he hears 1 chapter at his Reformed church.

The fact of the matter is that the traditional liturgy and classic hymns are an invaluable resource in terms of teaching the congregation scripture and keep the service grounded in God’s Word. The service is not at the whim of the pastor with the traditional liturgy. By contrast, in a modern service (as seen in many Evangelical and Reformed churches today), a pastor could choose a small scripture reading or mere handful of verses for the entire service, accompanied by songs that lack a single scripture reference. In the worst case scenario in a traditional liturgy, the pastor delivers a sermon full of heresy, or a 2 minute homilette, yet the congregation still heard over 3 chapters of scripture, was absolved, received communion, was edified visually by liturgical actions and vestments, and left hearing a benediction.

The Sign of the Cross – An Apostolic Practice

In Luther’s Small Catechism, he says that every Christian should make the sign of the cross in the morning and evening before praying:

In the morning, when you rise, you shall bless yourself with the holy cross and say:
In the name of God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Amen.

In the evening, when you go to bed, you shall bless yourself with the holy cross and say:
In the name of God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Amen.

Small Catechism, Daily Prayers, 1, 4

And since then, Lutherans have been doing exactly that. But from where does this practice come? Is it just a holdover from the medieval church? In this post, I demonstrate the grounds for this practice and contend that it is very likely apostolic in origin, but if not, it is at least from the apostolic age. If you’re solely interested in the explicit evidence, skip to the section about the earliest witnesses as the Scriptural foundations section is more about the grounds for the practice.

Scriptural foundations

Old Testament precursors

The sign of the cross is not explicitly mentioned anywhere in scripture (though neither is folding one’s hands or closing one’s eyes in prayer), but many foundations are laid for it both in scripture and, more abstractly, pre-incarnation extra-Biblical sources (as discussed later). Physical signs marking Israel as saved by Christ and imprinted with His Spirit are precursors of this Christian practice, and in the New Testament, the language surrounding this spiritual reality lend themselves well to Christians making a habit of remembering this in a physical way.

Beginning in plagues in Egypt, Israel marked itself with a sign to separate itself from pagan Egyptians. Exodus 12:23: “For the Lord will pass through to strike the Egyptians; and when He sees the blood on the lintel and on the two doorposts, the Lord will pass over the door and not allow the destroyer to come into your houses to strike you.” This mark on their doors was the blood of the first Passover lamb, a prefigurement of Christ crucified. Marked with this blood, judgment was not dealt to them.

Later in Exodus, Aaron and the high priests after him are given a sign to wear on their foreheads. Exodus 28:38: “You shall also make a plate of pure gold and engrave on it, like the engraving of a signet: HOLINESS TO THE LORD. And you shall put it on a blue cord, that it may be on the turban; it shall be on the front of the turban. So it shall be on Aaron’s forehead, that Aaron may bear the iniquity of the holy things which the children of Israel hallow in all their holy gifts; and it shall always be on his forehead, that they may be accepted before the Lord.” And this practice was also held among Israelites. Deuteronomy 6:6-8: “And these words which I command you today shall be in your heart. You shall teach them diligently to your children, and shall talk of them when you sit in your house, when you walk by the way, when you lie down, and when you rise up. You shall bind them as a sign on your hand, and they shall be as frontlets between your eyes.” Deuteronomy 18:11: “Therefore you shall lay up these words of mine in your heart and in your soul, and bind them as a sign on your hand, and they shall be as frontlets between your eyes.” And this practice has allusions in Exodus 13:9-16. The practice continued into the time of the New Testament (Matthew 23:5). These phylacteries were to remind Israel of God’s salvation and were specifically for remembrance on certain occasions, which Christians have maintained. This is why we cross ourselves when we wake up, go to sleep, sit in our house to eat, or travel (praying the Itinerarium). Particularly important to note is that these phylacteries resided on the forehead, which is where early Christians crossed themselves, and to this day is still a place of crossing in certain Christian rites such as application of chrism in chrismation, imposition of ashes on Ash Wednesday, and during the announcement of the Gospel reading in the mass.

In the end of the Old Testament, God commanded Ezekiel to place a mark on the foreheads of Israelites mourning over abominations in the Temple. Ezekiel 9:3-4: “Now the glory of the God of Israel had gone up from the cherub, where it had been, to the threshold of the temple. And He called to the man clothed with linen, who had the writer’s inkhorn at his side; and the Lord said to him, ‘Go through the midst of the city, through the midst of Jerusalem, and put a mark (Hebrew: tāv) on the foreheads of the men who sigh and cry over all the abominations that are done within it.'” The tāv is the last letter in the Hebrew alphabet and in paleo-Hebrew, which would have been in use at the time, resembled a cross. Origen’s (185-253 AD) commentary on this (and other church figures after him follow suit) explains, “A third, one of those who have come to faith in Christ, said that in the old-style [paleo-Hebrew] letters, Tau [this is the Greek character t, which corresponds to the Hebrew tāv here] resembles the form of the cross, and that there is a prophecy here concerning the sign placed on the foreheads of Christians—which all believers make when beginning any activity at all, especially prayer or holy readings.” This connection is fairly direct; these Israelites had a mark, in the shape of a cross, place on their foreheads, which is what we Christians do today.

New Testament spiritual foundations

In the New Testament, a number of passages point toward spiritual realities, upon which the sign of the cross is based.

In Mark 8:34 Jesus says, “Whoever desires to come after Me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross, and follow Me.” The sign of the cross is to remind ourselves that we are to take up our cross daily. Just as the cross was placed on Jesus, so we have the sign of the cross placed on us.

Paul says in Romans 13:14, “[P]ut on the Lord Jesus Christ,” and the sign of the cross is a representation of this. We place the cross on ourselves, and the cross represents the work of Christ.

2 Corinthians 1:21-22: “Now He who establishes us with you in Christ and has anointed us is God, who also has sealed us and given us the Spirit in our hearts as a guarantee.” The sign of the cross is a symbol of the seal placed upon us. In particular, this is reflected in the chrismation rite, in which we are anointed with oil in the sign of the cross, including the forehead, as mentioned earlier, but also upon the heart, reflecting that the Spirit is in our hearts and sealed there as Paul says again in Ephesians 1:13, “you were sealed with the Holy Spirit of promise.”

Galatians 2:20: “I have been crucified with Christ; it is no longer I who live, but Christ lives in me; and the life which I now live in the flesh I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me and gave Himself for me.” The sign of the cross represents that we have been crucified with Christ, placing the cross onto ourselves.

Galatians 6:17: “From now on let no one trouble me, for I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus.” The sign of the cross marks our bodies with the marks placed on Jesus in His crucifixion.

Revelation 7:1-4: “After these things I saw four angels standing at the four corners of the earth, holding the four winds of the earth, that the wind should not blow on the earth, on the sea, or on any tree. Then I saw another angel ascending from the east, having the seal of the living God. And he cried with a loud voice to the four angels to whom it was granted to harm the earth and the sea, saying, ‘Do not harm the earth, the sea, or the trees till we have sealed the servants of our God on their foreheads.’ And I heard the number of those who were sealed. One hundred and forty-four thousand of all the tribes of the children of Israel were sealed.” And 9:4: “They were commanded not to harm the grass of the earth, or any green thing, or any tree, but only those men who do not have the seal of God on their foreheads.” And 14:1 “Then I looked, and behold, a Lamb standing on Mount Zion, and with Him one hundred and forty-four thousand, having His Father’s name written on their foreheads.” In these three passages, Christians are marked with a sign on their forehead, specifically the name of the Father, YHWH. Again, like in the Old Testament passages, a visible sign is placed on the forehead to indicate salvation, and we imitate this by making the visible sign of the cross on ourselves, including on the forehead. Bede (673-735 AD) comments on Revelation 7:3: “Hurt not: From the time that the Lord suffered, not only was the dominion of the enemy who opposed Him destroyed, but that of worldly power too, as we both see with our eyes… [that is, on our] foreheads. For to this end was the empire of the nations broken up, that the face of the saints might be freely marked with the seal of faith, which these had resisted. For, again, the figure of the cross itself represents the kingdom of the Lord extending everywhere, as the old saying proves: ‘Behold the world four-square, in parts distinct, To shew the realm of faith possessing all.’ And not in vain was the sacred Name of the Lord, of four letters, written on the forehead of the High Priest, inasmuch as this is the sign on the forehead of the faithful, of which it is also sung in the Psalm [8:1]: ‘O Lord, our Lord, How excellent is Your name in all the earth.'” And this idea of the cross being stretched across the world in four directions is a theme in early Christianity which is related to the practice of signing the cross, to be discussed next.

The earliest witnesses

Related ideas building on sources before the 2nd century AD

Before getting to the earliest explicit witnesses, I think it’s worth mentioning some early ideas related to this practice going back to Plato and the appropriation of Plato by early Christians. In Plato’s Timaeus, he describes the creation of the world and in 34a-36b, the soul of the world, which is a divine thing of sorts, is stretched across the body of the world in the shape of a cross. This tradition was inherited from earlier Pythagoreans (Pythagoras lived 570-495 BC) who likely got it from the ancient near east. Justin Martyr (100-165 AD) in his First Apology 55 takes Plato’s tradition about the world soul to be about the Logos (Greek for “Word”), a common identification in the Middle-Platonists, including Philo of Alexandria (20 BC-50 AD), the Jewish Platonist. Philo also connects the Logos to the Angel of the Lord in the Old Testament, which Christians have identified with the pre-incarnate Christ (similarly the Word and Name of the Lord in the Old Testament). This Logos is identified with Jesus in the first chapter of the Gospel of John. Putting these things together, Justin takes the stretching out of the world soul, IE the Logos, in the shape of a cross onto the body of the world to be about Christ being impressed upon creation in cruciform shape. Justin Martyr does not make this next step, but it is fitting: Man, as a microcosm of creation, then puts impresses upon himself the shape of the cross in this ritual.

Irenaeus (130-202 AD) makes the same connection in Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching 34: “Now seeing that He is the Word of God Almighty, who in unseen wise in our midst is universally extended in all the world, and encompasses its length and breadth and height and depth— for by the Word of God the whole universe is ordered and disposed—in it is crucified the Son of God, inscribed crosswise upon it all: for it is right that He being made visible, should set upon all things visible the sharing of His cross, that He might show His operation on visible things through a visible form. For He it is who illuminates the height, that is the heavens; and encompasses the deep which is beneath the earth; and stretches and spreads out the length from east to west; and steers across the breadth of north and south; summoning all that are scattered in every quarter to the knowledge of the Father.”

Earliest explicit witnesses

Now that foundations and precursors have been covered, we can move onto the earliest explicit witnesses.

The earliest extant source to mention the sign of the cross explicitly is the Acts of Paul and Thecla. This work was written between 95 and 200 AD, but is likely from the early 2nd century in my estimation, as Dunn has argued (more thoroughly than any other source I have seen). For evidence on this, see his PhD Dissertation and further comments of his in this blog post. In reply to the original edition of this blog post (IE the one you are reading, not his post previously linked), he made comments on Facebook, which I will here quote:

Thanks for mentioning and linking my PhD dissertation. For what it is worth, I now argue that the Acts of Paul should date in the early second century based on several criteria: (1) form of persecution; (2) orthodoxy displayed; (3) heresies encountered; (4) evident ignorance of NT texts, esp. Acts.

I’ve yet to publish anything on why I think the AP represents earlier persecution. The suggestion that Christians should die for the name of Christian would be post-Trajan’s rescript (to Pliny, AD 111-113), and yet no one actually dies for that even though it is suggested by Demas and Hermogenes to Thamyris. So evidently, we are still in the early second century when martyrs died for their impious, evil deeds, rather than just for carrying the name Christian. I thus conclude that the conditions of persecution suggest pre-Trajan’s Rescript. Contrast the later 2nd century martyrdoms in the Acts of Christian Martyrs, Musurillo.

Peter Dunn, two Facebook comments in Patristics for Protestants on January 22, 2024

The text purports to record events that occurred during the life of Paul, who is himself mentioned (alive) immediately before the part about making the sign of the cross. Paul died in 64/65 AD. If the event described in this quote is true, then the practice is certainly apostolic, if the event described is not, it still provides compelling evidence for an apostolic or near-apostolic origin of the practice. If the author, living in the early 2nd century, included the detail about making the sign of the cross while this was yet a novel practice, his audience would have immediately called out the historical anachronism (we have no evidence that this occurred, despite only slightly later sources critiquing the document). Unless the author was a fool, he would not intentionally include an historical anachronism. This makes it likely that the practice at least pre-dated living memory in the early 2nd century, being at least a lifetime earlier in origin, for then nobody could immediately point out the anachronism of a practice that developed in the audience’s own lifetime without drawing on older testimonies. It’s also worth mentioning that the author does not explain the practice at all, which suggests the intended audience would be familiar with the practice already, meaning it was likely widespread by this time. This places the practice firmly in the apostolic age.

Now the boys and the maidens brought wood and hay to burn Thecla: and when she was brought in naked, the governor wept and marvelled at the power that was in her. And they laid the wood, and the executioner bade her mount upon the pyre: and she, making the sign of the cross, went up upon the wood. 

Acts of Paul and Thecla 22

The next earliest source on the sign of the cross is Tertullian (155-220 AD). He is speaking of what he believes to be ancient customs that are widespread in his time, which ends with making the sign of the cross on the forehead, so by the early 3rd century, this practice was widespread certainly, and not only that, but Tertullian claims this practice is ancient custom that demands our submission.

And how long shall we draw the saw to and fro through this line, when we have an ancient practice, which by anticipation has made for us the state, i.e., of the question? If no passage of Scripture has prescribed it, assuredly custom, which without doubt flowed from tradition, has confirmed it. For how can anything come into use, if it has not first been handed down? Even in pleading tradition, written authority, you say, must be demanded. Let us inquire, therefore, whether tradition, unless it be written, should not be admitted. Certainly we shall say that it ought not to be admitted, if no cases of other practices which, without any written instrument, we maintain on the ground of tradition alone, and the countenance thereafter of custom, affords us any precedent. To deal with this matter briefly… At every forward step and movement, at every going in and out, when we put on our clothes and shoes, when we bathe, when we sit at table, when we light the lamps, on couch, on seat, in all the ordinary actions of daily life, we trace upon the forehead the sign.

If, for these and other such rules, you insist upon having positive Scripture injunction, you will find none. Tradition will be held forth to you as the originator of them, custom as their strengthener, and faith as their observer. That reason will support tradition, and custom, and faith, you will either yourself perceive, or learn from some one who has. Meanwhile you will believe that there is some reason to which submission is due.

Tertullian, The Chaplet 3-4

Hippolytus (170-235 AD) describes the rites for baptism and chrismation, which immediately follows, in his work The Apostolic Tradition, and this rite includes making the sign of the cross on the forehead with chrism, as is still done to this day. Notably, this work purports to be describing traditions passed from the apostles themselves, which is yet another argument for this practice being apostolic in origin, but even if it is slightly later (for it is at the latest from the end of the first century), this document further adds to such evidence since it could not purport to be apostolic practice if it weren’t at least from before the living memory of the audience.

Then the bishop, laying his hand upon them, shall pray, saying, “O Lord God, who hast made them worthy to obtain remission of sins through the laver of regeneration of [the] Holy Spirit, send into them thy grace, that they may serve thee according to thy will; for thine is the glory, to the Father and the Son, with [the] Holy Spirit in the holy church, both now and world without end. Amen.” Then, pouring the oil of thanksgiving from his hand and putting it on his forehead, he shall say, “I anoint thee with holy oil in the Lord, the Father Almighty and Christ Jesus and [the] Holy Ghost.” And signing them on the forehead he shall say, “The Lord be with thee;” and he who is signed shall say, “And with thy spirit.” And so he shall do to each one. And immediately thereafter they shall join in prayer with all the people, but they shall not pray with the faithful until all these things are completed. And at the close of their prayer they shall give the kiss of peace.

Hippolytus, The Apostolic Tradition 22

Conclusion

I believe the evidence from the earliest sources leads us to the conclusion that this practice is indeed apostolic. We have an explicit source from almost immediately after the time of the apostles claiming that it is apostolic, and two from a generation or two later that claim the same. We have no reason to believe all three sources are fabricating evidence or merely mistaken, especially given that Hippolytus has always been regarded by the church as a saint, and he was bishop of Rome, the highest seat in all of Christendom. The evidence firmly supports a first century date, even if one finds it unconvincing that the practice is apostolic in origin. Numerous scriptural texts and even pre-New Testament sources prefigure the practice and lay grounds for it, showing why the practice arose and spread so early and so quickly.

Johann Gerhard on Dionysius the Areopagite

The Life of Saint Dionysius the Areopagite by Michael Syncellus was recently published by Scriptorum Press. In this volume Syncellus contends that the writings attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite are authentic, as opposed to the work of a later hand. This runs against the prevailing scholarship, though not without some detractors, primarily from traditional Eastern Orthodox circles. You can hear some of the arguments here on Craig Truglia’s channel. The framing in the discussion on Truglia’s channel is at times not reflective of the data, in my opinion. Evangelos makes it sound as if the authenticity was question by Lorenzo Valla (an Italian humanist) and then pushed hard by Protestants alone, but Johann Gerhard, in his Patrologia, puts forth the opinions of many authors, even some from before Valla, who doubted authenticity, including Theodorus Gaza, a Greek humanist, which is important since he came out of Byzantine training in Greek Orthodoxy, and two preeminent Catholic theologians– the blesséd Doctor Ecstaticus Denis the Carthusian (a Belgian Carthusian), and the Doctor Christianus cardinal Nicholas of Cusa (a German humanist mystic). Roman Catholic contemporaries of the Reformation of many varieties also doubted the authenticity such as Francisco Ribera (a Spanish Jesuit), abbot Johannes Trithemius (a German Benedictine), Sixtus Senensis (an Italian-Jewish Dominican), and William (John) Grocyn (an English humanist, not mentioned by Gerhard below), and most notably two distinguished figures, the “Prince of the Humanists” Desiderius Erasmus (a Dutch humanist priest), and cardinal and master of the Dominicans Thomas Cajetan (an Italian Dominican). It’s authenticity seems to have been doubted by Protestants of all stripes, Lutheran, Anglican, or Reformed.

Here’s a full list of authors who doubted the authenticity of the corpus leading up to Valla:

  • Hypatius of Ephesus (d. After 536)
  • Unknown authors in the time of John of Scythopolis (536–550)
  • Joseph Hazzaya (b. 710)
  • Photius (810/820–893)
  • Arethas of Caesarea (860-939)
  • The Souda (10th c.)
  • John the Oxite of Antioch (d. 1100)
  • Peter Abelard (1079–1142)
  • Joane Petrizi (11-12th c.)
  • Euthymius Zigabenus (d. After 1118)
  • Peter of Damascus (d. After 1156)
  • Svimeon the Armenian (13th c.)
  • George Pachymeres (1242– 1310)
  • Theodore Gaza (1398-1475)
  • Nicholas of Cusa (1401-1464)
  • Denis the Carthusian (1402–1471)

If you’d like to see more from Lutherans on this, see this paper. The Lutheran fathers seem unanimous in denial of the authenticity of the corpus. Luther questions it in the Leipzig debate of 1519. Melanchthon denies it in the Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope 71. Chemnitz denies in Examen vol II. Gerhard denies (Confessio Catholica 622-624). Quenstedt denies (Sys I.681) (see Pieper in Dogmatics I, Angelology 7, footnote 11). Schmelling denies in his Union with Christ. Pelikan denies in The Christian Tradition vol II.

In this post, I have taken the time to run Gerhard’s section on Dionysius the Areopagite from his Patrologia through Chat GPT to translate it into English from Latin. The edition I’m using is free on Google Books from Sengenwald, 1668. The section on Dionysius begins on page 13 and ends on page 32. While I did try to edit the translation down for accuracy, take the translation with a grain of salt of course.

The arguments made by Gerhard should not be taken as comprehensive– far from it, they are a summary and more developed arguments have been made since his time. I also do not intend this post to be a apology for or against the authenticity of the corpus. I just thought it would be useful material to have publicly available to contribute to the conversation on this topic.

Dionysius the Areopagite

Life

He is called Areopagite because he was a judge of criminal cases in Athens before his conversion to Christ, as described by the Apostle Paul in Acts 17:33. Hence, he was later called a disciple of Paul.

In Gaul, he taught in the year 80, [as mentioned by] Ambrose Pelargus.

Eusebius in Book 3, Chapter 4 of his History: “that Areopagite, named Dionysius, who was the first to believe after Paul’s address to the Athenians in the Areopagus (as recorded by Luke in the Acts) is mentioned by another Dionysius, an ancient writer and pastor of the parish in Corinth, as the first bishop of the church at Athens.”

Others mention that he, converted by Paul in Athens, came shortly afterward to Clement, the Bishop of Rome, and was sent by him to Gaul. There, he preached Christ in Paris and, finally, suffered the penalty of death.

Baronius, in the Roman Martyrology on October 9th and in the Annals for the year 95, number 7, and for the year 109, number 38, reports that “[Dionysius] first became the Bishop of Athens and then the Bishop of Paris.” He achieved the palm of martyrdom along with Saints Eleutherius and Rusticus, either in the final years of Trajan’s reign or certainly at the beginning of the reign of Emperor Hadrian.

Nicephorus, in Book 2 of his “History,” Chapter 20, mentions that [Dionysius] was baptized and designated as the Bishop of Athens by Paul himself, as he excelled with miraculous and divine praises. “He lived [says Nicephorus], more familiarly with the divine man Hierotheus, both of whom Paul, rapt with them into the third heaven and paradise itself, had initiated into the divine matters, the rationale of the Word of God, the Celestial Hierarchy, and the absolute disposition and ordering of all things. Paul communicated these teachings, gloriously praising Christ, in the Western parts for many years, reaching a very advanced age, and finally, adorned with the crown of martyrdom, he offered his severed head, which had been cut off by a sword, to a woman, who reverently placed it in the same spot where it had fallen.”

Therefore, with words of piety and divine worship, he gloriously preached for many years in the Western parts, reaching old age and eventually being honored with the crown of martyrdom. It is said that he carried his severed head, which had been cut off by a sword, in his hands for about two miles and then handed it over to a certain woman at the place where it had fallen.

Some argue that he underwent martyrdom during the reign of Domitian. However, Dionysius, in his book On the Divine Names, Chapter 4, cites the Epistle of Ignatius to the Romans, which was written in the 7th year of Trajan, during which Ignatius was crowned with martyrdom. Now, Trajan succeeded Domitian.

Bellarminus, therefore, asserts that Dionysius survived beyond the reign of Domitian and lived into the rule of Hadrian. This position is presented in his work On Ecclesiastical Writers on page 65.

Writings

Nicephorus, in his work Ecclesiastical History Book 2, Chapter 20, enumerates the writings of Dionysius the Areopagite. According to Nicephorus, “Dionysius composed works characterized by sublime contemplation of divine matters and remarkable eloquence, far surpassing those captured by human understanding. The mentioned works are:

  1. De Divinis Nominibus (On the Divine Names): 13 chapters, with an additional hundred chapters filled with divine wisdom.
  2. De Coelesti Hierarchia (On the Celestial Hierarchy): 15 chapters.
  3. De Ecclesiastica Hierarchia (On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy): 7 chapters.
  4. De Arcana sive Mystica Theologia (On the Hidden or Mystical Theology): 5 chapters.

Dionysius also left behind ten epistles, the last of which is addressed to the Evangelist John, who reclined on the Lord’s breast. These writings are still circulated today. Dionysius mentions other works of his, such as Theological Dispositions and Symbolic Theology. Additionally, he wrote on Angelic properties and orders, a commentary on the soul, divine justice and judgment, divine hymns, and Likewise concerning those things which are perceived either by understanding or by sensation. However, these commentaries have not been seen at all, neither by us nor by those who were before us.”

In Chapter 22, Nicephorus references passages about the assumption of Mary found in the third chapter of Dionysius’ letter to Timothy, the Bishop of Ephesus. This chapter includes sections titled “What is the power of prayer concerning Blessed Hierotheus & about religion and Theological History.”

According to Suidas, the following works of Dionysius the Areopagite are listed:

  1. On the Celestial Hierarchy
  2. On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy
  3. Epistles to Gaius (4)
  4. Epistle to Dorotheus
  5. Epistle to Sopatrus
  6. Epistle to Polycarp
  7. On the Divine Names
  8. On Mystical Theology
  9. Epistle to Demophilus
  10. Epistle to Titus
  11. Epistle to Apollophanes
  12. Epistle to Saint John the Evangelist

Rhemenses[?] in Annotations on Acts ch. 17, page 325: “This is that Dionysius about whom there is so much renown in the Acts of the Apostles. He wrote excellent volumes on Hierarchies and Divine Names, in which, whatever is used in our sacraments and whatever is at all controversial, is proven to have flowed down from the very Apostles themselves. Protestants have no other escape than to deny that this work is that of Dionysius, but of some recent and obscure author, I do not know who.”

Ten Reasons by Edmund Campian (rat. 5, p.32): “The Hierarchy of Dionysius the Areopagite teaches what classes, what sacred rites? So deeply did it disturb Luther that he judged it to be very similar to all his works and, moreover, highly pernicious.”

Baronius in the year 109, number 51 and following, along with Bellarmine in Book 1, Chapter 5, On Monks, Martinus Delrio in Vindications of the Areopagite, Jacobus Gaulterius in First Truth of the First Century, and Bellarmine in his First Disputation (d. 1) argue for the genuineness of Dionysius’s writings. They emphasize that these works are cited under the name of Dionysius by three Popes, two Councils, and many Doctors. It is not a new opinion that dominates in citing widely.

The works were published in Greek with the paraphrase of Pachymeres and extensive annotations in Paris by Morelius in 1562. The same works were published in Latin in Cologne by Maternus Cholinus in 1557 and in Paris by Henricus Stephanus in 1515.

Bellarmine in Book 1, Chapter 6, On Purgatory, and Chapter 1, Campian in his Sanctoral Calendar, and the Rhemenses[?] in Annotations on Acts ch. 17, Verse 34, from Dionysius’s book On the Ecclesastical Hierarchy confirm purgatory and ecclesiastical hierarchy. However, they argue that this writing is spurious, not belonging to the Dionysius whose name it bears, as Sixtus Senensis in Book 6, of Annotations 229, Cajetan in Acts 17, Erasmus in Acts 17 (see Morton, p. 2, p. 279), and Lorenzo Valla & Erasmus in Chapter 17 of Acts. Luther in Chapter 3 of Genesis (p. 53) and Cajetan and several others, such as Whittaker and Flacius, who present reasons for considering Dionysius’s writings to be spurious.

  1. From reason of the style: which is considered inflated, obscure, improper, and intricate, not in line with the style used in Athens during the time of the Apostles but rather started being used about three hundred years later in Greece and Rome. Nicholas of Cusa states about this writer that he excessively imitates Plato. The same argument is pressed by Dr. Chemnitz in an oration on the reading of the Fathers. The style itself convincingly indicates that it is not Attic and certainly not written in an apostolic manner. Casaubonus in Exercises 16, p. 565: “Dionysius the Areopagite, indeed, is a most ancient and elegant writer: But who he is, about whom mention is made in the Acts, only those unskilled in the light of literature and entirely ignorant of both the Greek language and the antiquity of the Church dare to assert.”
  2. From the omission of his name in the writings of the ancients: Eusebius, in Book 3, Chapter 4: [“And first we must speak of Dionysius, who was appointed bishop of the church in Corinth, and communicated freely of his inspired labors not only to his own people, but also to those in foreign lands, and rendered the greatest service to all in the catholic epistles which he wrote to the churches.”] and Book 4, Chapter 23, “That Areopagite, named Dionysius, who was the first to believe after Paul’s address to the Athenians in the Areopagus (as recorded by Luke in the Acts) is mentioned by another Dionysius, an ancient writer and pastor of the parish in Corinth, as the first bishop of the church at Athens.”

    Jerome, in the catalogue of his writings, makes no mention of Dionysius’s writings, even though he explicitly decided to enumerate ecclesiastical writers who left something for posterity. Indeed, no one before Gregory the Great, who, though citing his letters, does not indicate that Dionysius the Areopagite was among them.

    Sixtus Senensis in Book 4 of the Library: “The mystical theology of Dionysius was still unknown in the century of Athanasius.”

    Erasmus, in his Annotations on Acts 17, p. 225: “It is astonishing that if he was such an ancient author and wrote so much, he is not cited by anyone from the ancients, neither from the Greeks nor the Latins: not by Origen, not by Chrysostom, nor even by Jerome, who left nothing unexamined, so much so that Gregory himself, a man of proven faith quoting these letters, does not indicate that Dionysius the Areopagite existed. Jerome in the Catalog of Illustrious Men mentions one or two Dionysius but does not mention his books.”

    Gennadius [Scholarius], in the Catalog of Ecclesiastical Writers, also makes no mention of him. Dionysius, the Bishop of Corinth, who lived under the rule of Emperor Commodus around the year 185 AD, in his writing about Dionysius the Areopagite, declares how he was first converted to the faith by Paul, as is in the Acts of the Apostles. Later, he became the Bishop of the Athenians, but his about his book the “Hierarchy,” he does not even mention a word.
  3. From the computation of time: Dionysius the Areopagite was a disciple of Paul, but the Dionysius mentioned at the end of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy speaks in this way: ‘A delay of 40 days, as our divine priests, initiated into the ancient mysteries, handed down to us for divine worship.’ He speaks there about the baptism of infants and, in the plural, mentions instructors, suggesting that this doctrine was transmitted to them by the apostles through successive instructors. So how could he have been a disciple of the apostles? In Book 1 of Divine Names, he quotes Clement the Philosopher in the area of dialectics, saying that “exemplars of principal things are either absent or present, or their causes are formal and relative.” However, there was no other Clement the Philosopher than the Alexandrian one, whose books still exist, and he lived around 200 years after Christ. This quoted passage seems to be entirely from the eighth Miscellany, [ch. 9 par 14?] where Clement says, “causes are especially formal and relative.” In Chapter 4 of Divine Names, he quotes the Epistles of Ignatius, which, however, were written after the death of Dionysius. In the book on Hierarchy, he cites Clement of Alexandria, who lived about two hundred years after Christ.

    Therefore, Lorenzo Valla and Erasmus suspect that different authors are being confused. Laurentius (quoted by Erasmus in Chapter 17 of Annotations on Acts): “In this place, he refutes the opinion of those who think that this Areopagite was the author of those books that we have concerning Hierarchies and Divine Names, and that he is the same person who, at Paris, among the Parisians, was crowned with martyrdom. They identify one Dionysius out of three, if I am not mistaken.” And afterward: “Laurentius indicates that there were very learned men of his time who judged that these books were the work of Apollinaris, although Jerome mentions two by that name—one a Bishop of Hierapolis who flourished under Marcus Antoninus, the other a Bishop of Laodicea in Syria. However, Laurentius attributes neither of these to anything of this kind of work, for I do not think that such works should be attributed to that heretic Apollinaris.”

    In Book 4 of the Divine Names, he quotes a certain sentence from Ignatius’ Epistle to the Romans [Ch. 7]: “Ὁ ἐμὸς ἔρως ἐσταύρωται.” [Latin]: “Amor meus crucifixus est.” [English]: “My love has been crucified.” But indeed, Ignatius, as testified by Eusebius in the Chronicle and Book 3 of the Ecclesiastical History, wrote that Epistle to the Romans during the reign of Trajan, while Dionysius the Areopagite was killed during the reign of Domitian. That Dionysius, in the same book, cites the Gospel of John and the Apocalypse in his Hierarchy, and in such a way as if these writings had long been part of the Scriptures. However, if we believe the historians, both John and Dionysius published their works shortly before their deaths, [John’s death being] about 14 years after Dionysius’ death. Among Dionysius’ Epistles, there is one addressed to Polycarp, addressing him as both a teacher and bishop. Indeed, the writers testify that Dionysius suffered in Gaul in the year 96 AD, and Polycarp in the year 166 AD, at the age of 86. It is thus clear that Polycarp was still underage at the time of Dionysius’ passion.
  4. From a careful consideration of the contents: first in the negative, then in the affirmative established.
    1. [Negative]: That Dionysius passed over certain things, which he asserted to have been overlooked, seems unlikely by no means. He is said to be that Dionysius, a disciple of the Apostle Paul; yet, he so forgets this teacher that he does not mention him even in a single place, calling a certain obscure Hierotheus his teacher. This seems to indicate either excessive ingratitude or remarkable forgetfulness on the part of the disciple. How was it possible for Dionysius not to have sought him out frequently by writing to Timothy, asking whether he had learned anything more accurately from the Apostle Paul himself about those very matters, with whom he had lived so familiarly for such a long time and had undoubtedly been well-instructed?
    2. [Affirmative]: That Dionysius is full of the most absurd nonsense. When he discusses the heavenly and ecclesiastical hierarchy, he invents new choirs like spheres, the highest seraphim, then cherubim, thrones, dominations, virtues, principalities; afterward, in the lower hierarchy, powers, archangels, angels. Who does not see that these are nothing but idle and futile human thoughts? Later, in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, he says there are bishops, deacons, subdeacons, readers, exorcists. He, the disciple of the chief of the Apostles and the teacher of the Gentiles, is occupied with such nonsense. Yet, his authority is flaunted in such a way that inflated hypocrites decree everything as if it were uttered from oracles, while nowhere does he speak one word about faith or any useful instruction from Holy Scripture. But who told him about the nine choirs? Why did the Franciscans later add a tenth as a palace where the divine mother would dwell? Luther, in Genesis chapter 3, page 53, mentions many orders, such as pontiffs, priests, monks, etc., of which, except for bishops, Dionysius had no knowledge during his time, as can be proven.

      The Areopagites were judges, not philosophers. But these people regard Dionysius as the supreme philosopher, who risks the danger of comprehending the nature of things through a solar eclipse, which is not fitting since it is not plausible that those darknesses reached Athens, etc. Erasmus, in Acts chapter 17, page 225: “It is not plausible to me that there were such Christian ceremonies in those ancient times, as he describes.”

      “A more recent version has it that he wrote the Hierarchy to Timothy, whom he also calls his son, which is the same as if he called him a disciple, considering the use of Scripture and the Church. Since Timothy had the excellent Paul as his teacher for a very long time, being a renowned teacher and bishop while Paul was still alive, he should have taught Dionysius instead of being taught by him” (Flacius Illyricus).

      Dionysius himself presents that he was handed over to Hierotheus as a disciple. However, shortly after Dionysius the Areopagite’s conversion, Paul taught for a long time in Corinth and for a longer time in Ephesus, places easily accessible from Athens. If this Dionysius were eager for learning, he could have almost had Paul as his mentor for a whole two years, and it would not have been necessary for him to submit to the discipline of a man entirely unknown in the Church. The same writer mentions here the choir and the temple, distinguished from each other, and the parts of the temple. However, during the time of the Apostles and for a hundred years thereafter, Christians did not have such elaborate temple buildings; they initially gathered in houses. The same writer says that the Apostle John lived longer than the other Apostles and than Dionysius is said to have lived. However, John was mostly in Ephesus and Asia Minor, where Timothy also lived. Timothy is said to have been familiar with him, so how did this Dionysius dare to teach Timothy, who had a mentor? Would it not have been more appropriate for him to seek instruction repeatedly, asking Timothy to write to him either about this matter or others, clarifying Paul’s or John’s views?

      Paul mentions that it is not lawful for a man to express the things he saw in the heavenly state, and it is inconceivable that a person like Dionysius, progressing in such a state, would write and explain things that the Apostle Paul had established as ineffable and entirely unknown to humans. The opinion of the nine orders of angels is rejected by Irenaeus (Against Heresies, Book 2, Chapter 55) and Augustine (Enchiridion to Laurentius, Chapter 58).
  5. From the testimony of very weighty authors:
    • Erasmus, in his Annotations on Acts, page 225: “some years ago,” as he recalls, “the incomparable William Grocyn, a supreme theologian, thoroughly versed in every discipline and exercised in them, preparing to deliver a sacred discourse on St. Paul in the church of St. Paul in London, had earnestly contemplated that the work ‘Celestial Hierarchy’ was the production of Dionysius the Areopagite. Grocyn was highly indignant at those who would dissent from this view. However, before completing half of the work and examining it more closely, he openly confessed to his audience that he did not consider the work to be that of Dionysius the Areopagite.”
    • Luther, in his Smalcald Articles, calls Dionysius a “recent and fictitious author” [Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope 71 by Philip Melanchthon].
    • Whitaker, Against Campian, page 75.: “Valla and Erasmus have collected many weighty reasons in order to persuade that Dionysius was not the person he is said to be.”
    • Theodore Gaza, in the preface to the Problems of Alexander of Aphrodisias, converted by him into Latin, argues that the author is a fabricated one.
    • Pelargus, in Comparative Theology, at position 21, page 277, disapproves of this author.
    • Add to this Zeaemann’s arguments against Keller on page 530.
    • Daniel Chamier, in his book Catholic Panstratia [Wars of the Lord], Chapter 8, Section 28, and the following sections.
    • [Francisco] Ribera, in his commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews, Chapter 1: “Many follow various opinions [concerning the Hierarchy and orders of Angels] based on the authority of Dionysius alone. However, the most esteemed Greek and Latin Fathers refused to follow him. Pope Gregory was unwilling to yield to the authority of Dionysius, fearing that it might appear to contradict the divine scripture in words. If we wish to measure that obscure matter by our own reasoning, we will often and greatly go astray, and Dionysius never said that he received these things from Paul, nor has anyone been able to prove it.”
    • Bellarmine, indeed, On Ecclesiastical Writers: “I have no doubt about the works of Dionysius. They are cited by Pope Gregory in Homily 34 on the Gospel, by Pope Martin and the Martyr in the Roman Council, by Pope Agatho in the Letter to Emperor Constantine IV, by Pope Nicholas I in the Letter to Michael the Emperor. They are also cited by the Sixth General Council in Act 4 and the Seventh Council in Act 2, and finally by those who wrote commentaries on these works, such as Maximus the Monk and Saint Thomas Aquinas.” However, the objection is raised that Gregory lived in the sixth century, so why is there no mention of these books by any of the earlier writers? Bellarmine responds that “these writings may have been hidden and only discovered around the time of Gregory.” But other arguments suggest that attributing these works to Dionysius is false.
    • Denys the Carthusian, in his commentary on Dionysius: “Whoever he may be, is rather obscure and barely intelligible; he has posed a challenge for some theologians.”
    • Abbot Trithemius, concerning Ecclesiastical Writers, admits, “the works of Dionysius are covered with great obscurity.”

      [Responses to objections]: Some argue that this work is cited by Origen in his homily on John 1 and by Athanasius in his questions to Antiochus, question 8. But with this argument, uncertainty is proven by an equally uncertain method because in that homily, the Arians are mentioned, who arose long after Origen, and in the questions to Antiochus, authors who came after Athanasius are named. Therefore, they are not the works of Origen or Athanasius but of more recent authors. Abbot Liberatus in Chapter 10 of the Breviary and Anastasius the Librarian in a letter to Emperor Charles the Bald state that Dionysius the Areopagite is cited by Chrysostom and Cyril of Alexandria, but the passages they cite are not found in the cited places.

Eulogies

Regarding Dionysius the Areopagite, Peter Lansselius, a Jesuit: “He is almost the only one among all the authors of Antiquity in whom no one has noted a departure from doctrine to the present day.”